Showing posts with label HASC. Show all posts
Showing posts with label HASC. Show all posts

Monday, 14 October 2013

10 To Watch From The Home Affairs Select Committee

The latest from my regular contributor.

The Home Affairs Select Committee (HASC) is not giving up its pressure on SOCA (Serious Organised Crime Agency, now - like Dr Who - regenerated as the National Crime Agency (NCA).  HASC's probing on 'blue chip' clients using rogue PIs (private investigators) is rigorous and determined. Whilst mainstream media focus on Leveson's committee appearances and gear up for Operation WEETING trials, here's '10 to watch' from HASC:

1  FUNDING FOR 'BLUE CHIP' INVESTIGATION

In response to HASC Chair, Keith Vaz, the Lord Chancellor Chris Grayling is decidely lukewarm on guarantoring the Information Commissioner's Office (ICO) actually get the resources needed to investigate 'blue chip' clients.  After sitting on the neglected and dis-organised evidence for years, SOCA's abolition was a great excuse for a priority clearout - swiftly dumping the problem on the ICO at short notice.

The Attorney General told Vaz  "... you will be aware that the ICO's data protection work is funded through notification fees paid by organisations and individuals responsible for the processing of personal data and not through a direct grant from government. However, we will continue to work with the Information Commissioner to monitor any resourcing issues that may arise as a result of this investigation and other funding pressures."

That's just about as non-commital as you can get. (pdf p42)

2  CUSTODIAL SENTENCING: DATA PROTECTION ACT

HASC also asked the Attorney General what action was planned on implementing custodial sentences for breaches of section 55 of the Data Protection Act (DPA).  The enabling legislation is already in place, and more dissuasive penalties have been (over a decade) recommended by the ICO, several Select Committees - and by the Leveson Report.  

"It is the Government's view that the recommendations require careful consideration by a wide audience. We therefore intend to conduct a public consultation on the full range of data protection proposals, including on whether to introducing custodial sentences
... We think it is important that the public get the opportunity to consider the question of whether to introduce custodial penalties for breaches of section 55 in the context of Lord Justice Leveson's wider proposals relating to the data protection framework."  (pdf p42)

And here's the probable Catch 22 - just as 'nothing could be done' whilst the Leveson Inquiry continued, no doubt we shall hear 'nothing can be done' whilst criminal cases are in process, or until any appeals conclude, or until after the general election, or because there is an 'R' in the month...

3  OPERATION MILLIPEDE CHARGING DECISIONS

More information is now available on the charging decisions reached in Operation MILLIPEDE.  A meeting in 2010 of SOCA investigating officers and Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) considered a range of unspecified potential offences. The offence strategy decided upon was under the Fraud Act.

For three of four defendants, offences relating to misconduct in public office were ruled out.  Why? Sadly, we don't know as no record of the rationale exists in the CPS file. Gregor McGill - whose name may be familiar from CPS formal charging statements on Operation ELVEDEN - very carefully worded his understanding: "in relation to allegations of misconduct in public office, the CPS was never in possession of sufficient evidence to provide a realistic prospect of conviction for that offence."  Note that he doesn't say no evidence existed... but if SOCA did have any evidence, he carefully points out, the CPS was never in possession of it. (pdf p43)

4  SOCA 'BLUE CHIP' LIST 

Two SOCA lists ARE in the public domain, even though they were dragged from SOCA kicking and screaming.  (pdf p22)  The first is a short list of 'categories' of 8 clients (no names, no pack drill) which were used in the Operation MILLIPEDE prosecution.  Bland and uninformative, the 'used in prosecution' list includes 1 'Oil' client, 1 from 'Law', 1 from 'Rail Services' etc.  But the second list of 94 unnamed clients in categories - "judged as potentially relevant to Millipede which was not needed as evidence" - is much more informative.  It shows number and category of those SOCA chose not to use in support of the prosecution; it is an insight into the decision-making process itself.

Comparing the two lists shows the evidence selected for use in the prosecution was emphatically not a representative sample.  Two specific categories of client dominate the full list.  Topping the numbers is the vague category 'Law' - but we are not told if this includes law practices, in-house legal, counsel chambers, law agencies, paralegal, law enforcement agencies and so on.

The second highest category of clients is 'Private Investigators'.  Given that SOCA's own 2008 report (Project Riverside) identified "the harms inflicted on the UK by the rogue element of the private investigation industry", it is surprising no evidence was used in prosecution.  To clarify, Operation MILLIPEDE led to 4 convictions of private investigators - whose second largest client base was other private investigators.  By 2008, let alone charging decisions in 2010, there was ample evidence of PIs operating in connected chains.  Sub-contracting of specialists was a widely known technique - for example, in Operation BARBATUS (2007).

Yet this key characteristic did not feature in the SOCA MILLIPEDE prosecutions of 2011 - even though MILLIPEDE defendants had been on SOCA's radar since at least 2006.  HASC needs to ask more questions about that 2010 - only partly documented - MILLIPEDE charging decisions meeting.

5  OPERATION SPRUCE

Yes, there's a new op - Operation SPRUCE. (pdf pp 45-45)  It is the new investigation by the ICO into the MILLIPEDE 'blue chip' clients, kindly dumped on them by now-defunct SOCA in the form of 31 lever arch files.  The original plan had been had been to hand over after MET Operation TULETA prosecutions concluded.

"After consulting with SOCA and the Metropolitan Police, I can confirm that none of the 98 clients on the list was contacted during their investigations."  Given the years of delay, it is entirely possible that much corroborating evidence no longer exists.

12 clients are no longer active, 67 are still active but 24 of those are outside ICO jurisdiction, a further 11 are currently of undetermined activity status.  So far, Operation SPRUCE has determined probable offences by 19 'blue chip' clients involving 125 victims.  This is many more than SOCA's (undated) attempts to write to those victims affected.  (pdf p 29)

6  THE BASU LIST

The unpublished Basu List (pdf pp 34-36) is far and away the most interesting of the submissions to HASC so far.  MET Commander Neil Basu, who leads all Hackgate operations, seems to have taken the opposite strategy to SOCA.  Instead of having information dragged bit by bit from the MET, Basu opted to provide HASC with MORE confidential data than HASC actaullyrequested.  This strategy can be summed up as 'be careful what you wish for - you may get it.'  Basu has submitted to HASC names and data for all MET investigations referencing PIs for 1998-2013.  This includes both closed AND ongoing investigations.

"I have included all investigations (including live investigations), but have redacted the names of the clients themselves to avoid compromising active investigations that are underway. Instead, and again to assist the Committee, I have identified the relevant industry within which they worked."  (pdf p 34)

The confidential Basu list includes:
- The names of clients who have been charged
- The names of clients who have been convicted of criminal offences
- The names of those where was insufficient evidence to justify an investigation by the MET
-  The names of those where No Further Action (NFA) resulted

To date, 7,161 people have been identified as victims (5,500 of those from Operation WEETING alone).  A further 1,250 potential victims are attributable to Operation PINETREE - the probe into a second alleged phone-hacking conspiracy at the News of the World.  Even allowing for some duplication, it is clear that the vast majority of rogue PIs victims accrue from rogue employees of rogue newspapers.

The data collation involved searches of the Police National Database (PND), CrimInt+, Integrated Intelligence Platform (IIP), MET Directorate of Professional Standards (DPS) and a "Confidential Unit".  It is noteworthy that the DPS search also turned up 477 relevant hard-copy documents which have never been scanned into electronic form during 1998-2013.

The scale is staggering.  Known Operations referencing PIs 1998-2013 include Two Bridges, Nigeria, Abelard I, Caryatid, Glade, Barbatus, Abelard II, Weeting, Elveden, Kalmyk, Tuleta, Pinetree.... (for background, see here and here)

7  SOCA and SERCO

On 3 Sept 2013, Keith Vaz asked Stephen Rimmer (Interim Chair of SOCA) about SOCA Board Members declared interests - given that SOCA's Chair had just resigned for failing to declare his company in the Register of Interests (here).
Q82 Chair: ...Have you asked them whether any of their roles—for example, Peter Clarke has an organisation called Peter Clarke Associates; Francis Plowden is a director of Serco plc. This is the premier law enforcement agency as far as organised crime is concerned... we want something precise. Did you say to them, 'Have any of your interests got anything to do with private investigators?'
Stephen Rimmer: Not in those specific terms, but I am absolutely satisfied that there is no conflict of interest. 
Rimmer followed up with a letter to HASC, correcting Vaz: "During the early part of the session you referred to Francis Plowden, a non-executive director of SOCA, by saying that he was a 'director of Serco Plc'. This is incorrect. I understand that Francis is not and never has been a director of Serco Plc. He has held shares in Serco Plc since February 2005. This fact was clearly stated by him on the SOCA Register of Interests upon his appointment to the SOCA Board in August 2009. Since that date, Francis has continued to declare this interest."  (pdf p41)

However, Rimmer was subsequently forced to re-consider (p46) whether there just might be the perception of conflict of interest as, since Plowden the SERCO shareholder has been a Board member:

- SERCO had a SOCA contract as IT supplier till 2011

- SERCO continues to have a SOCA £1million pa contract for "the provision of secure storage and associated services"

- SOCA acts as a facilitator for the City of London Police for the provision of 'Know Fraud' to the National Fraud Intelligence Bureau. SOCA is the named party in the contract, but the City of London Police run and pay the contract directly to SERCO

- SOCA does not own but contributes maintenance and support costs to SERCO for a secure communications system of around £2,000 a year.

Stephen Rimmer is though still "satisfied that there is no conflict of interest in relation to these issues and Francis Plowden's shareholding."  (pdf p46)

8  SOCA BOARD: 'REGISTER OF INTERESTS'

In his 10 Sept 2013 letter to HASC, Stephen Rimmer promised to provide more information on other declared / undeclared directorships, business interests and consultancy activities of Board Members (such as that of the aforementioned Peter Clarke, former MET Assistant Commissioner in overall command of Operation CARYATID). (pdf p41)

Either that detail of SOCA Board Members' interests has not been published by HASC, or Rimmer has not provided the promised submission.  Either way HASC needs to follow up - and continue to press for the same attention to perceived conflicts amongst Board Members of the new National Crime Agency, SOCA's successor.

9  NATIONAL CRIME AGENCY BOARD MEMBERS

As from 7 Oct 2013, the NCA's nine-strong, all male, Board are

•    Keith Bristow – Director General (Chair)
•    Phil Gormley – Deputy Director General
•    David Armond – Director, Border Policing Command
•    Peter Davies – Director, Child Exploitation and Online Protection Command
•    Gordon Meldrum – Director, Organised Crime Command
•    Gary Chatfield – Director of Operations (Temporary)
•    Tim Symington – Director of Intelligence
•    Stephen Webb – Director Corporate Services (Interim)
•    Trevor Pearce – Director, Economic Crime Command (Interim)

There is currently a selection process underway to identify four non-executive members for the Board.  It will be interesting to see if any more familiar old SOCA names appear as Non-Execs, and to scrutinise the new NCA Board 'Register of Interests' when it is made public. (see here)

10  NATIONAL CRIME AGENCY - THE NEW BROOM SWEEPS CLEAN

New NCA Director General, Keith Bristow told HASC: "On 7 October 2013 all information held by SOCA will pass from SOCA to the NCA".

That's good to know.  All SOCA information and evidence on private investigators, serious organised crime etc etc will be safely retained (probably in private industry commissioned 'secure storage' and 'secure communications systems').

And in the interests of transparency, 'being truthful, open and accountable for our actions', it's encouraging that all public domain SOCA documents will continue to be accessible through the SOCA Library - reports such as that of Project Riverside, SOCA Annual Reports, Registers of Interest, not-protectively-marked UK Threat Assessments and so on.  That's admirable.

Errr... no.  All SOCA public domain documents have now disappeared entirely, including the entire SOCA web site.  All SOCA URLs now auto-redirect to the new National Crime Agency home page.

Well played, NCA.... but I don't think HASC will be impressed.

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You can contact the author on Twitter @brown_moses or by email at brownmoses@gmail.com

Friday, 6 September 2013

Blue Chips And The New SOCA Dossier - What The Media Missed

The latest from my regular contributor.

Yes, it is quite clear that getting information from SOCA is like pulling teeth.

So many questions and loose ends. Wouldn't it be interesting to know more about what offences are in dispute? have SOCA really been liaising with the Information Commissioner's Office (ICO) or not? Who's been sitting on what information, for how long, and why? Wouldn't some more clarity on Project Riverside (here) be informative? Who knew what when about Operation Millipede and the 'blue chip' list? What was the sequence of contacts between SOCA and Metropolitan Police Service (MET) about Millipede? And also Operation Tuleta? (For background on Millpede and Tuleta see here).

Considering the recent press 'revelations' and 'outrage' over blue chips, it is remarkable that there is so little interest in the detail of these key questions. Or, in many cases, bothering with accuracy.

What would help, presumably, is if SOCA were to release into the public domain its answers to these key questions. Say, a 14 page dossier of responses to criticisms with detailed timelines etc etc.

It has. You can read it (here).

But apparently there's no interest from the mainstream press, despite them calling for answers for weeks. Baffling, isn't it?

THE SOCA DOSSIER

Firstly, SOCA reports there is NO blue chip 'hacking' scandal as yet uncovered. And the Home Affairs Select Committee (HASC) is at pains to agree. This flies in the face of what has been reported in the Telegraph, Daily Mail, Independent, Daily Mirror etc - and even the Financial Times. Reasons for this lack of accuracy might be speculated upon - ranging from inaccurate research or wishful thinking to sheer bloody minded ideological obstinancy. A wilful assertion of blue chip 'hacking' doesn't make it fact, but does mobilise a narrative skewed towards journalists being picked on and victimised.

The SOCA report to HASC says:
There has been some confused reporting over these matters in the media over the past few weeks...the clients of the private investigators convicted as a result of Operation Millipede have been characterised by some sections of the media as 'blue chip hacking'. However, it is important to note that the main focus of Operation Millipede was around the use of 'blagging'. There are different legislative penalties available to investigators and a lack of particularly dissuasive penalties for 'blagging' under the Data Protection Act, as opposed to 'hacking'.
Offences to do with 'hacking' are different to those associated with 'blagging', and different to those convictions for Operation Millipede which were for 'fraud' - which is why accuracy is preferable to muddle.

ANNEX B: 
"PROJECT RIVERSIDE TIMELINE"

SOCA denies Riverside has "suppressed" blue chip 'hacking' and provide a detailed timeline (Annex B) which includes the dates that the Riverside intelligence report was shared with The MET, Home Office ICO and Leveson Inquiry. Operations Flandria and Gloxinia were focused on intelligence other than 'blue chip', and it is fair to assume some sections of the press were already well aware of the associated trajectories of Operation Abelard II and Operation Caryatid (the original 06-07 News of the World phone-hacking investigation). Press characterising "suppression" must therefore emanate from Operation Millipede rather than Project Riverside?

ANNEX C: 
"TIMELINE OF ENGAGEMENT WITH INFORMATION COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE IN RESPECT OF OPERATION MILLIPEDE."

Operation Millipede was widely reported at the time of convictions, including both identified blue chip names and further alleged links to News international - itself a blue chip corporate. Undoubtedly, where SOCA can be criticised is for its tardiness in collating a structured list of corporate Millipede clients. 

The ICO appear to have been formally involved and informed early in Millipede, even before arrests were made. There were consultations on offences to be prosecuted with both ICO and Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) particularly bearing in mind lack of public interest defence and the history of paltry sentences for Data Protection Act offences per se. There seems to have been a formal understanding and division of labour on Millipede: SOCA would progress Private Investigators prosecutions then provide ICO with the Millipede evidence to follow up and evaluate potential CLIENT prosecutions. Client prosecutions have never been ruled out - this is confirmed by ICO evidence in the public domain (see here).

And, with the imminent publication of the blue chip list by HASC, the ICO may be best placed to use that precedent to release the Motorman Files too.

ANNEX D: 
"TIMELINE OF ENGAGEMENT WITH METROPOLITAN POLICE SERVICE ON OPERATIONS MILLIPEDE and TULETA"

Where both SOCA and MET can be criticised is perhaps in their failures to be clear about their division of labour, and why Millipede evidence was not passed to the ICO sooner. SOCA's intentions to pass Millpede to the ICO were altered in light of the launch of Operation TULETA. Tuleta (and sub-operation Kalmyk) involve very serious alleged offences - these were perceived as having precedence over lesser DPA infringements. That should have been made explicit to ICO and indeed Home Affairs Select Committee. This understandable but badly communicated decision has led to perceptions of cover up.

WHAT NEXT?
  • Kick-started by HASC, SOCA has belatedly drawn up a structured list of Millipede clients.
  • The ICO has now received Millipede evidence and will begin evaluating whether or not there is sufficient evidence that Millipede private investigator corporate 'blue chip' clients were aware of illegalities used on their behalf.
  • The MET continues to investigate alleged email hacking and other offences under Operation Tuleta.
  • There were 107 corporate clients on the 'blue chip' Millipede list given to HASC. Keith Vaz (HASC Chair) proposes 102 of those corporate clients be publicly named
The discrepancy in the numbers? That is because 5 client company identities have been redacted and witheld at the insistence of the MET for operational reasons. Those 5 are currently under investigation by Operation Tuleta which may potentially lead to serious corporate prosecutions. Those are the 5 to watch.

The latest news is that SOCA is still refusing to publish the blue chip list, and is supported in that stance by the MET. SOCA and MET reiterate the potential damage to on-going operations in a fluid and changing context. For example, "since SOCA provided the lists of 102 clients to the Committee on 22 July 2013, the MPS have identified a further four crossovers with MPS operations other than Operation Tuleta." (here)

None of which excuses the press itself for failing to cover the 14 page public dossier already presented to HASC. Why the deafening silence? Like Ouroboros eating its own tail, will the mainstream press now accuse itself of "suppression" and cover-up?

Sunday, 7 July 2013

Mayor Boris And The Met Payoffs

The latest from my regular contributor.

There was an interesting short exchange at the Public Accounts Select Committee on 3rd July. The subject under discussion was 'Confidentiality Clauses and Special Severance Payments' - primarily NHS executives' compromise agreements - a.k.a. unpopular large payoffs at public expense.

In amongst questioning there was that little something Hackgate-related, between Margaret Hodge (Chair) and Sharon White, (Director General, Public Services, HM Treasury):
Q123 Chair: Can I emphasise that this is not just the Department of Health? Paul Stephenson, the former commissioner who left because of his relationship and links with the News of the World, got over £176,000 after he’d signed an agreement. John Yates also left after the phone hacking scandal; he got £86,000 on top of his £120,000 salary. It is not just NHS oversight. You will have signed those off.
Sharon White: I don’t know the detail of the cases but there is a general point for the Treasury to take back on the basis of this discussion which is whether and how we might have a system that is more- 
Q124 Chair: I tell you what astounds us, which is why you are getting uniform shock around the table: these are high-profile cases we are talking about. These are not cases where it could well be that Paula Diggle or her officials in the Treasury would not have heard of them. Morecambe Bay is high profile. North Staffs is high profile. The Met Police and phone hacking is high profile. Yet somehow they get signed off through the Treasury. 
Sharon White: In the case of the police, this is not part of our approval process. We would not have signed off those individual cases.
So who DID sign Stephenson's and Yates' payments off? What criteria were used to decide and calculate payments over and above their voluntary resignations? What were the terms and conditions of the relevant compromise agreements? What was the quantum of confidentiality clauses/payments? And why?

Somebody needs to ask similar questions about those settlements as were asked about Gordon Taylor, Clive Goodman, Glenn Mulcaire and Andy Coulson.

The Metropolitan Police Service (MET or MPS) Management Board or Human Resources couldn't conceivably made the Stephenson/Yates agreements without referring them to the very top for approval. Presumably then, they were signed off by the Metropolitan Police Authority (MPA), now known as the Mayor's Office for Policing and Crime (MOPAC). Although to be absolutely fair to the MPA - responsible for scrutiny of MET spending - they didn't know when the MET had spent millions on a fleet of secret aircraft (here).  But the buck now stops with Boris Johnson:
The Deputy Mayor will discharge the vast majority of MOPAC’s duties however the Mayor remains responsible for issuing his Police and Crime Plan, and for the appointment and removal of senior Metropolitan police officers." "...the role of Deputy Mayor for Policing and Crime (DMPC) in London is analogous to that of an elected Police and Crime Commissioner (PCC) elsewhere. Although not directly elected, once the Mayor as occupant of MOPAC delegates his authority, the DMPC has all other powers and duties of a PCC.
Prior to Jan 2012, whilst Stephenson and Yates' severance payments were negotiated and approved, the Chair of MPA was Kit Malthouse. It is apparent from Malthouse's evidence to the Leveson Inquiry that he liaised with Boris very closely on appropriate mayoral responses to the News International scandal.

The Telegraph reported:
The London Mayor's deputy for policing, Kit Malthouse, was informed on Sep 10, 2010 that Scotland Yard detectives were looking into new claims made in a New York Times article." Five days later, when asked about phone hacking at Mayor's Question time, Boris Johnson said: "I am almost in continuous conversations with my deputy mayor for policing (Mr Malthouse) about this and other matters. It would be fair to say that he and I have discussed this. The conclusion of our conversation would be obvious from what I have said.... In other words, this is a load of codswallop cooked up by the Labour Party and that we do not intend to get involved with it.
There was apparently at least one accidentally undeclared meeting between Boris and Rupert Murdoch in 2011, and his continuing support for beleaguered News Corp was evidenced by Boris hosting Rupert & Wendi Murdoch's VIP visit to the 2012 Olympics.

It has also been reported that Boris recently accepted an invite to dinner at Murdoch's London home. This drew some criticism as "Johnson also has ultimate, but not operational, responsibility for the Metropolitan Police, the force investigating phone hacking by Murdoch's News of the World and alleged corrupt payments made by Sun journalists.

HOME AFFAIRS SELECT COMMITTEE
Fortunately the Home Affairs Select Committee can, if it chooses, ask Boris more about the huge Stephenson/Yates compromise payments when Boris appears before them next Tuesday afternoon, 9th July:
3.15 pm Wilson Room, Portcullis HouseSir Bernard Hogan-Howe, Metropolitan Police Commissioner
4.15pmBoris Johnson, Mayor of London
Committee Chairman Rt Hon Keith Vaz MP said:
Public confidence in policing in London has been rocked by the devastating revelations that undercover police officers sought to gather information on the Lawrence family in the wake of Stephen Lawrence’s murder. The Committee will ask the Commissioner at what level this decision was taken, and why this information was withheld from the subsequent Macpherson inquiry.
The Committee also welcomes the first opportunity it has had to quiz the Mayor of London since he took office in 2008. It plans to seek his views on how public confidence can be rebuilt...
Keith Vaz sounds as though he is enthusiastic about Boris's first HASC appearance, though it is not known if any questions will be asked about former head of MPA Kit Malthouse - of whom MET Assistant Commissioner Cressida Dick told the Leveson Inquiry (pp37-38 here):
I'm conscious that Sir Paul (Stephenson) made mention in his evidence of the conversations that he was having -- I didn't know he was having, actually -- with our then chair of our authority around the phone hacking investigation, Operation Weeting, in the early part of this year -- sorry, early part of 2011. You'll be aware that I was the management board member for that, and the line manager for Ms Akers. On a couple of occasions, Mr Malthouse, I thought jokingly, said to me: "I hope you're not putting too many resources into this, Cressida", and on the third occasion, when he said it again, I said, "Well, that's my decision and not yours, and that's why I'm operationally independent
That operational independence might come under further scrutiny on Tuesday as AC Cressida Dick too has been called before HASC
Tuesday 9 July 2013, Wilson Room, Portcullis HouseAt 2.45pm Cressida Dick, Assistant Commissioner, Metropolitan Police
Commander Neil Basu, Metropolitan Police
Committee Chairman Rt Hon Keith Vaz MP said: 
It has been several months since the Committee last received an update from the Met on its hacking investigations – Operations Weeting, Elveden and Tuleta have collectively been going for more than six years and cost the taxpayer more than £20 million. We intend to explore progress on these operations and ask when they might reach a conclusion. We will also seek a response from the Met on Rupert Murdoch’s claim that the police have been “incompetent”. Furthermore, we plan to inquire about the Met’s role in investigating hacking by private investigators outside of the newspaper industry, following up on evidence the Committee took from the Serious Organised Crime Agency earlier this week.
The MET Commissioner, Mayor Boris, AC Dick, Weeting, Elveden, Tuleta, the secret Murdoch/Sun recording....

Looks like Tuesday afternoon could be action-packed for Hackgate watchers if HASC only ask the right questions - and get some answers.

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Hackgate - The IPCC and Surrey's "Collective Amnesia"
Hackgate - Alex Marunchak - Presumed Innocent
Hackgate - Springwatch
Hackgate - Elveden: Murdoch Or King Cnut?

You can contact the author on Twitter @brown_moses or by email at brownmoses@gmail.com